Guest post by Charles Johnson
Our foundation president, Carl J. Schramm, has criticized Yunus's
approach to microfinance, most recently in his essay for the Claremont Review of Books.
In comparing the Nobel Prizes awarded for economics and peace in 2007, Dr.
Schramm argued in the Wall Street Journal
that microfinance might not be the panacea for world poverty that aid
development agencies, like the State Department, have suggested that it is. With
co-author, Dr. Amar Bhidé, Schramm writes,
Mr. Yunus's
ameliorative entrepreneurship however is very different from the transformative
entrepreneurship that Mr. Phelps argues has been central to modern capitalism.
Indeed, most of the ventures funded by microloans in Bangladesh are activities that were
marginalized by modern entrepreneurs: They
don't involve any economies of scale or scope or the use of new technologies
capable of producing significant advances in overall productivity and incomes.
Economic
development does wonders for peace, but what does microfinanced
entrepreneurship really do for economic development? Can turning more beggars
into basket weavers make Bangladesh
less of a, well, basket case? A few small port cities or petro-states aside,
there is no historical precedent for sustained improvements in living standards
without broad-based modernization and widespread improvements in productivity
brought about by the dynamic entrepreneurship that Mr. Phelps celebrates.
It seems, though, that microfinance, far from being the panacea,
may simply encourage consumption at the expense of long term economic
growth. As a welfare program, microfinance isn't necessarily bad, as it
most likely going to keep people from starving, but it lacks the kind of
true impetus to drive true growth. True, Yunus’s model may be preferable to the
massive government to government loans and spending of the Bengladeshi
government, but that isn’t really saying much, even if the money is put
directly into the hands of individuals.
A most recent article, titled,”A $9 Trillion Question: Did
the World Get Muhammad Yunus Wrong?,” in Foreign
Policy makes a similar point: how
can the estimated $17 billion in loans actually help elevate the living
standards of the $4 billion in poverty and why has it been so lackluster at generating
real results?
Peter Schaefer writes,
Moreover,
most of the existing microfinance credit is subsidized. Very little comes from
private, profit-seeking capital markets (as of 2004, just $2.7 billion, or
about 60 cents per poor person per year). This is because development banks do
not really require collateral for their microloans. They often use subsidized
credit, as they generally aren't profit-seeking. But banks backed by private
capital markets require collateral. This means that their loans are too
expensive for most of the long-term needs of the poor.
For
instance, the private Mexican microbank Compartamos charges 100 percent
annualized interest -- which, to be fair, reflects the real risk of providing
an unsecured loan. But such long-term interest rates cannot encourage capital
investment in projects that need time to gestate. And though shorter-term loans with 25 or 50 percent annualized rates
beat the street rate, such debt cannot be carried for any length of time.
As a result, the pool of global capital is largely inaccessible to poor people.
And the solutions proposed by Yunus and de
Soto for formalizing the economy of the poor and thus
lifting them from poverty prove only marginal.
In short, too much debt tends to sink individuals faster than it
takes for them to make long-term financial decisions. The author suggests that “micromortgages”
could actually help promote real long-term growth. He writes,
How
would it work? Let's consider a poor individual living in a house without a
title or even an address in Mexico.
He hopes to formalize his house. So, he visits a local bank to apply to
register his property. To the bank, he represents potential demand for credit
-- the bank has incentive to research his claim, help him map his land, assess
any improvements, and submit his information to the registry. The
bank would do this in return for his loan business and a fee to cover costs.
The
bank would then submit the individual's information to the government, ready
for entry into an official national digital registry. Were the application
accepted for processing, he could take out a form of title insurance from the
bank, which could then safely extend credit to the applicant. The modest
application fee would be added to his loan principal, allowing him to
immediately use the balance for, say, a long-term micromortgage to finance a
business.
Intuitively, tapping into
the equity in your home makes sense. Many
entrepreneurs in the U.S. have used home equity lines of credit to finance their
businesses, why should the developing world be any different?