I find myself reading two things today: the excellent biography of Steve Jobs recently published by Walter Isaacson and also the celebrated report on income inequality published by the CBO. The CBO report under the signature of its director, Doug Elmendorf, offers a lengthy comparison of the distribution of U.S. incomes by comparing different income classes in 1979 until 2007. There is a heavy emphasis the report on the "Top 1 Percent" in its charts and talking points, but I am bothered by a simple question. Is Steve Jobs in the "Top 1 Percent"?
Estimates are that Jobs had a net wealth of 6.7 billion dollars, even though his income was just a single dollar in 2010. So, did CBO count him among the poorest quintile? For my household, those numbers are pretty much reveresed, with a smaller net savings (let's charitably say $1, but unfortunately these numbers are allowed to go negative) and a nice thousandaire's salary. Surely, all of Jobs wealth meant that he made some serious capital gains, right? In 2007, probably, but who knows? I wish CBO would address this, but let's just assume that common sense is screaming "Yes, Steve Jobs was in the CBO's 'Top 1 Percent'" in 2007 and leave it at that.
But was Steve Jobs in the "TOP" in 1979? He sure as heck wasn't in 1974, when he was wandering India in search of meaning, or in 1975 back home in America where Woz was fist inventing the personal computer. Apple Computer was officially formed on January 3, 1977. Isaacson's biography indicates that in 1979 they had not yet launched the Macintosh, nor had Apple gone public. Steve Jobs was 24 years old, founder of a hot company, but how much income did he make? TOP income? Doubtful.
So I find the language the CBO report uses to be confusing. It leaves the distinct impression that the Top One Percent in 1979 were the same group of people across all four decades:
- "For the 1 percent of the population with the highest income, average real after-tax household income grew by 275 percent between 1979 and 2007 (see SummaryFigure 1)," says the first bullet point in the full report. This matches the first sentence in the CBO summary, "After-tax income for the highest-income households grew more than it did for any other group."
- The second point strays even farther from what the data say by introducing more personal pronouns. "For others in the 20 percent of the population with the highest income (those in the 81st through 99th percentiles), average real after-tax household income grew by 65 percent over that period, much faster thanit did for the remaining 80 percent of the population,but not nearly as fast as for the top 1 percent."
I'm pretty sure the data say nothing like this. The data say that the income distribution between contemporary income cohorts in 1979 were not as unequal as the contemporary income cohorts in 2007. But even that language should include a caveat: "Numerous kinds of mobility tell us that the actual people in these cohorts changed." Given aging, immigration, and shifting fortunes, I would be surprised if even a tenth of the TOP 1979 were still in the TOP 2007. To say that the income of households grew, or income of people in those households grew, you need longitudinal data on those things, households and people, not just cohorts from different slices of time. You might get a representative sample of 100 households in 1979 and survey their incomes in 2007, then calculate an average change. But that's not what this report does.
It would be interesting to see if Doug Elmendorf would stand by these claims during his next Congressional testimony. I'm sure his team was aware how inflammatory this issue is given the Occupy Wall Street protests. I would have to assume that would make all the scholars and editors want to be cautious in the tone used in the report, and to make sure its claims were not subject to misinterpretation. So why the sloppy language? And why does it lead the report without caveat?
On the same topic of language, I find it odd that economists talk about income being "distributed." Not earned? Why not mention income mobility in the report? (I just searched for the word and it appears in one footnote). And why not factor in immigration? Unforutnatley, the CBO does mention immigration, but only by dismissing it as a downward pressure on native wages. That's not the point. It seems more than an oversight to neglect the presence of ten million illegals among the poorest cohort. So it goes.
The story of Steve Jobs should be remembered for many reasons, but his income as an entrepreneur, and the immigrant roots of his parents (biological and adoptive) are just as important. It should disturb anyone to realize that the CBO report will be used to justify policies that are hostile to wealth creation and hostile to the capacity for the children of immigrants to grow companies, get rich while making great products, and make a dent in the universe.